Saturday, 1 December 2012

Worthiness is Doubted


I hold your twine
Fused at the sharp blade,
Fling and flung on the flock of mockers
Breathe and never let die
Incise the halt
Existence or mind
Soul is spoken
Made the sense on my conviction
I choose you
Insanity or practicality
Me, to live or to die with you
Uphold the common strike
Fairy tale on this crazy world
Lovely, miracle and beautiful
But worthiness is doubted.


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Art of War at Five Factors



The art of war, then, is governed by five constant factors, to be taken into account in one's deliberations, when seeking to determine the conditions obtaining in the field.

These are:  (1) The Moral Law; 
            (2) Heaven; 
            (3) Earth;
            (4) The Commander; 
            (5) Method and discipline.




A bamboo book

Monday, 26 November 2012

Congo and Oil


Black Gold in the Congo: Threat to Stability or Development Opportunity?

Africa Report N°18811 Jul 2012
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Although it should provide development opportunities, renewed oil interest in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) represents a real threat to stability in a still vulnerable post-conflict country. Exploration has begun, but oil prospecting is nurturing old resentments among local communities and contributing to border tensions with neighbouring countries. If oil reserves are confirmed in the east, this would exacerbate deep-rooted conflict dynamics in the Kivus. An upsurge in fighting since the start of 2012, including the emergence of a new rebellion in North Kivu and the resumption of armed groups’ territorial expansion, has further complicated stability in the east, which is the new focus for oil exploration. New oil reserves could also create new centres of power and question Katanga’s (DRC’s traditional economic hub) political influence. Preventive action is needed to turn a real threat to stability into a genuine development opportunity.
Potential oil reserves straddle the country’s borders with Uganda, Angola and possibly other countries and could rekindle old sensitivities once exploration commences. In the context of a general oil rush in Central and East Africa, the lack of clearly defined borders, especially in the Great Lakes region, poses significant risk for maintaining regional stability.
Clashes between the Congolese and Ugandan armies in 2007 led to the Ngurdoto Accords establishing a system for regulating border oil problems, but Kinshasa’s reluctance to implement this agreement and the collapse of the Ugandan-Congolese dialogue threaten future relations between the two countries. In the west, failure to find an amicable solution to an Angolan-Congolese dispute about offshore concessions has worsened relations between the two countries and led to the violent expulsion from Angola of Congolese nationals. Instead of investing in the resolution of border conflicts with its neighbours before beginning oil exploration, the Congolese government is ignoring the problem, failing to dialogue with Uganda and officially claiming an extension of its maritime borders with Angola.
The abduction in 2011 of an oil employee in the Virunga Park, in the Kivus, is a reminder that exploration is taking place in disputed areas where ethnic groups are competing for territorial control and the army and militias are engaged in years of illegally exploiting natural resources. Given that the Kivus are high-risk areas, oil discovery could aggravate the conflict. Moreover, confirmation of oil reserves in the Central Basin and the east could feed secessionist tendencies in a context of failed decentralisation and financial discontent between the central government and the provinces.
Poor governance has been the hallmark of the oil sector since exploration resumed in the east and west of the country. Even with only one producing oil company, the black gold is the main source of government revenue and yet, with exploration in full swing, oil sector reform is very slow. Instead of creating clear procedures, a transparent legal framework and robust institutions, previous governments have behaved like speculators, in a way that is reminiscent of practices in the mining sector. Reflecting the very degraded business climate, they have allocated and reallocated concessions and often acted without considering the needs of the local people and international commitments, especially regarding environmental protection.
The official division of exploration blocks includes natural parks, some of which are World Heritage Sites. It also directly threatens the resources of local populations in some areas. Initiatives to promote financial and contractual transparency are contradicted by the lack of transparency in allocating concessions. The state’s failure to adequately regulate the diverging and potentially conflicting interests of companies and poor communities is clearly causing local resentment, which could easily flare up into local violence that could be manipulated.
In a context of massive poverty, weak state, poor governance and regional insecurity, an oil rush will have a strong destabilising effect unless the government adopts several significant steps regionally and nationally to avert such a devastating scenario. Regionally, it should draw on the close support of the African Union (AU) and the World Bank Group to design a management model for cross-border reserves and help facilitate a border demarcation program. Nationally, the government should implement oil sector reform, declare a moratorium on the exploration of insecure areas, especially in the east where the situation is again deteriorating, until these territories are made secure, and involve the provinces in the main management decisions concerning this resource.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To the countries of the sub-region:
1.  Negotiate a framework agreement for the exploration and development of cross-border reserves, with the support of the AU and the World Bank Group, to provide for the involvement of one or more companies, revenue-sharing and dispute resolution mechanisms.
To the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and neighbouring countries:
2.  Begin a border demarcation program, with support from the AU Border Programme, before allocating any more exploration blocks in disputed areas, to clarify the situation on various borders; implement the Ngurdoto Accords with Uganda; and seek a comprehensive and amicable agreement to end disputes with Angola.
To the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo:
3.  Declare a moratorium on exploration in insecure areas of eastern Congo and enforce the ban on exploration in World Heritage Sites.
4.  Reform oil governance, including by:
a) defining a policy for the sector and setting up an hydrocarbons code;
b) ensuring contractual and financial transparency;
c) democratising the decision-making process for the awarding of oil rights and the assessment of the implementation of the production sharing contracts signed with the companies;
d) granting exploration and production rights following an open and transparent competition and banning mutual agreements and allocation of exploration and production rights to companies whose beneficial ownership information is not publicly available; and
e) determining clearly the fiscal, social and environmental obligations of companies according to international good practice and making information and consultation of local communities compulsory, as well as a participatory approach for local development.
5. Involve affected provinces in main oil management decisions and, if oil reserves are confirmed, ensure the provinces and local communities benefit from revenues.
To the African Union, the World Bank Group and donors:
6.  Provide technical and financial assistance to the Congolese authorities for the border demarcation, the frame­work agreement for the exploration and development of cross-border reserves and oil governance reform.
7.  Support the Congolese civil society efforts to build a monitoring capacity in the oil sector.
To the oil companies:
8.  Disclose contracts and payments made to the Congolese government.
9.  Respect international laws and agreements and Congolese laws.
10. Include a human rights assessment in their preliminary studies.
Kinshasa/Nairobi/Brussels, 11 July 2012

Undone Ambition



What I want most is peace.
Peace of life with fair imposes liability.
Liability that crossed and closed my doors for many years, I am sad.
Sad for undone ambition
Ambition that been discriminated,
So deteriorating, it collapses my faith from within.
 And, I become without something or anything.

© All Rights Reserved

Love


LOVE EVERYONE BUT TRUST NONE.
MALAYA ROSES

Heal Nothing


Sunday, 25 November 2012

CHOOSE HUMANITY !!



CHOICE

CHOICE

What is right might be wrong
Totally wrong
About everything is might be nothing
I see the bullets in my plate
Intoxicate by an apple tree
Seen myself and lost its strength
To be always right is compulsive but never decisive.

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Saturday, 24 November 2012

Deceptive

Deceptive
Malaya Roses © 2012

We are wonderful
For every patch of dishonesty
Heinous insider was our lost
Digitized on the same written fate
Fascism
Surrogated legitimacy at own belly
Narcissism is rasping shame
At the end
We are real on surreal desire.
Gasconaded
Heart was forsaken
Due love
But I found you were broken
Along the wildest dream
Deceptive
Insolence humanity
Not enough to justify egocentricity
Compassion was gone.

Malaya Roses
© All Rights Reserved

Hope For Peace I

Hope For Peace I

In the silent nights, I was dreaming about you.
Wings were spread like an angel.
Came to me, came through me.
But first light is such slain.
Burn you and me alive.
Spark no mercy, everyday is misery.
You were gone after the dew
Seed of tree was dried.
Green grass wasn’t reachable or touchable.
 Behind the yellow brownish leaves
A hope and wish came to the halted pinnacle.
I am alone here, at single strain of peace.
Keep counting the truth that never happens.

© All Rights Reserved

Friday, 23 November 2012

JOINT THE PETITION


Rebels Hold Goma..


SAKE/GOMA, Democratic Republic of Congo (Reuters) - Congolese troops fought back on Thursday against rebels who rejected calls from African leaders to quit the eastern city of Goma, captured earlier this week in a major upset and despite the presence of U.N. peacekeepers.
People gather around a tank abandoned by fleeing Congolese army in Ndosho near Goma November 21, 2012. REUTERS/James Akena
People gather around a tank abandoned by fleeing Congolese army in Ndosho near Goma November 21, 2012. REUTERS/James Akena

Thousands of people fled the area of clashes around the town of Sake, as M23 rebel fighters rushed from Goma to reinforce their positions against an army counter-offensive.
Both sides claimed control of Sake as night fell on the troubled eastern area. There was no independent verification of who was holding the town.
The M23 rebel movement, widely believed to be backed by Rwanda, has vowed to "liberate" all of the vast, resource-rich country after taking Goma, a provincial capital on the Rwandan border, ramping up tensions in a fragile region.
With Congo struggling to regroup its fractured army, President Joseph Kabila suspended the head of ground forces following allegations levelled by a United Nations panel of experts that he sold weapons to other armed groups in the east.
"The head of state decided to immediately suspend General Major Gabriel Amisi due to an inquiry. Other officers of lower ranks will also be investigated by the army," Information Minister Lambert Mende said.
The head of M23's political arm, Jean-Marie Runiga, said the rebels would not retreat despite the call to do so from governments in central Africa, preferring to hold their ground until Kabila opens direct talks with them.
"We'll stay in Goma waiting for negotiations," Runiga told Reuters in the city. "They're going to attack us and we're going to defend ourselves and keep on advancing."
Runiga flew to Uganda on Thursday for three days of talks with President Yoweri Museveni, who is acting as an intermediary for negotiations, a Ugandan presidential source said.
Rebel fighters seized Goma, a sprawling lakeside city of a million people, on Tuesday after government soldiers retreated and U.N. peacekeepers gave up trying to defend it.
The next day the rebels moved unopposed into Sake, about 25 km (15 miles) west along the main road. It was there that government troops and allied militia were hitting back in fighting that flared up late on Wednesday.
SCRAMBLE TO HALT CONFLAGRATION
Regional and international leaders have been scrambling to halt the fresh conflagration in the Great Lakes, a region of many colonial-era frontiers and long a tinderbox of ethnic and political conflict, with rich mineral deposits as the spoil.
On Wednesday, foreign ministers of the Great Lakes states demanded the rebels leave Goma and halt their advance. Kabila - in a concession to the rebels that fell short of opening talks - promised to look into their grievances.
"I'm not confident, because I've already waited for three months in Kampala for talks," Runiga said of a recent stay in the Ugandan capital, before travelling there again.
He said M23 wanted aid groups to return to Goma, after they evacuated during the fighting. Reuters correspondents saw aid workers driving in the city on Thursday.
The rebellion has triggered anti-government protests in Kinshasa and other parts of the country. On Thursday opposition figures seized on it to criticise Kabila's rule.
"Kabila is responsible for the suffering of the Congolese in Goma and in North Kivu. His leadership is weak," Bruno Mavungu, Secretary General of the UDPS party led by top opposition politician Etienne Tshisekedi, who says he is the rightful winner of a 2011 poll that handed Kabila a second term.
RENEWED CLASHES
Thousands of residents fled Sake on Thursday, a Reuters correspondent there said. Several truckloads of M23 fighters sped toward Sake from Goma as fighting raged in the afternoon.
Information Minister Mende said late on Thursday the army had wrested back control from the rebels, but a spokesman for M23 denied it had lost the town
"Sake and its surroundings are in the hands of M23. That's a provocation," Vianney Kazarama told Reuters.
OCHA, the U.N.'s humanitarian coordination office, said about 140,000 people were now displaced in and around Goma as a result of fighting. It said power had to be restored to the town to avoid an outbreak of cholera.
M23 takes its name from a peace deal, signed on March 23, 2009, that was meant to bring former rebels into the national army, but which the group says the government has violated.
(Additional reporting by Bienvenu-Marie Bakumanya in Kinshasa; Writing by Richard Valdmanis; Editing by David Lewis and Michael Roddy)
(This story corrects the first paragraph to clarify the U.N. peacekeepers stayed in Goma)

Wednesday, 21 November 2012

Now I Said Humanity is Broken

Humanity and us
It relates to universe
Like a color of red and and blood
Through all the veins
I meet the broken path
Clotted bu animosity 
Beast within the demon of greed
Self supremacist
On that land
Tears and bloodbath is nothing less than life
Living miseries
Invasion are the router 
The heinousness in unsung justice
Grasping consciousness 
and dear friends 
now I said
Humanity is broken

All Rights Reserved by Malaya Roses

Tuesday, 20 November 2012

ISRAELIS AGAINST THE GAZA MASSACRE



I say as a Jew: Israel's occupation and settlement policy is despicable and intolerable terror of State of. Evelyn Hecht-Galinski

Sunday, 18 November 2012

BETTER ASSIST THE POOR ...


KUALA LUMPUR – Photographic evidence was presented by PKR’s Rafizi Ramli today allegedly showing Datuk Seri Mohamed Nazri Aziz’s son using a luxury vehicle registered to Michael Chia, the timber trader the senior Cabinet minister recently defended against corruption claims linked to Sabah Chief Minister Datuk Musa Aman.
In his latest expose, the PKR strategy director alleged that the link between Chia and Nazri raises the question of “conflict of interest” and suspicion over the minister’s apparent haste and determination in dismissing the corruption claims against the businessman and Musa.
“Here you have a high-profile corruption and money-laundering case that not just involves the chief minister.
“And yet the very person who announced the clearance of Musa is the same minister whom we found proof of how he has been receiving direct benefits from Chia.
“He must take moral and political responsibility for this… there is a direct question of corruption here, involving him and his family,” Rafizi told a press conference in Parliament.
Rafizi revealed that a special surveillance team has been tailing and observing the activities of Nazri’s son Nedim “for a long time now” in order to obtain proof that Nedim’s RM500,000 black Hummer WNX 9776 belongs to Chia.
He added that prior to Nazri’s “relentless” defence of Chia and Musa in Parliament, it was already rumoured that the luxury vehicle belonged to Chia.
“We have been waiting for the things that he (Nazri) has said (about Chia and Musa)… If it had not been for his words…,” Rafizi said.
Nazri recently told Parliament that Musa had been cleared of corruption allegations after anti-graft authorities in Malaysia and Hong Kong found that the RM40 million “political donation” that Chia was accused of attempting to smuggle to Malaysia in 2008 was not for Musa’s personal use but for Sabah Umno’s. -By Clara Chooi via TMI

Another Bloody Drama in Gaza



Dissecting IDF propaganda: The numbers behind the rocket attacks